Poor planning and pay restraint

Workforce planning

The problems of recruitment, retention and morale are not new. The problems stem from a combination of piecemeal workforce planning, a long period of capped NHS pay increases, and a lack of attention to longstanding morale issues. In England, workforce policy and planning involves a constellation of 40 national-level statutory bodies, a further 15 royal colleges, 18 trade unions and over 100 professional and specialist institutions. This has led to a lack of coherence and focus in workforce policy, and the tendency for incredibly detailed work at a national level to reduce the opportunity for local flexibilities. For instance, the staff handbook – which codifies the main contract for non-medical staff, known as Agenda for Change – is the product of national negotiations and currently runs to 285 pages in 47 sections and 29 annexes.

In social care, there are around 14,000 care homes and almost 9,000 providers of services in people’s homes regulated by the Care Quality Commission. With such a fragmented provider network, workforce planning is even more complex. At present there is no national statutory body responsible for ensuring that England has a social care workforce with the skills needed to provide a high quality service. Moreover, changing patterns of need in the future will mean that health and social care will need to be integrated to deliver high quality care. This will require, as a minimum, joint working, but it will also require new roles that bridge traditional health and care boundaries. It is hard to see how this could happen without integrated workforce planning, with one overarching body that has a clear remit for health and social care.

Staff training

A major example of poor workforce planning is the current shortage of nurses. Between  2010/11 and 2012/13, the number of nurse training places was reduced by 13% (Figure 8). This directly contributed to the shortage in trained nurses able to fill current vacancies, despite the large number of people willing to train as a nurse. The number of places is now increasing again, but in 2016/17 was less than 5% above the 2010/11 level despite growing demand.

Figure 8: Total nurse training places in England, 2010/11–2016/17

Note: Nurse training places commissioned by Health Education England or previously by strategic health authorities.

Source: Health Education England, Workforce Plan for England.

Even with this increase, courses are still heavily oversubscribed. In 2015, 57,000 people applied for the 20,000 nurse training places available; nearly two-thirds of applicants were unsuccessful despite the need for more nurses.

The traditional bursary system of funding for nurse training created an artificial cap on the number of places available (Figure 9). With the current financial pressures in the NHS, funding is not available to increase the bursaries to allow for an increase in the number of training places. So, instead, the number of bursaries have been removed to align funding for nursing degrees with other subjects. Universities will be able to offer more places and make sure that more of the people applying are successful. However, nursing students will be financed through the general student loan scheme, and this will increase the cost of education for a student nurse. This has led to a 22% drop in the number of applications from UK applicants to English providers in January 2017 compared with January 2016. But with demand for places currently so high it is unlikely to lead to a decline in applications to the extent that there would be an overall drop in the numbers of people being trained.

Figure 9: Volume of total applications and acceptances for nursing degree courses in the UK, 2007–16

Note: Data include multiple applications for each person.

Source: UCAS.

Pay restraint and the ‘National Living Wage’

Pay is another major issue. The amount that NHS staff are paid has increased slightly in cash terms since 2010. However, someone joining the NHS in 2015/16 would on average be paid 6% less in real terms, as measured by the Consumer Price Index (CPI), than someone who joined in 2008/09.

For NHS and social care staff combined, Office for National Statistics data show that, between 2010 and 2017, the real value of health and social care staff pay fell by 5.8% (CPI). This is a larger drop than for the wider economy in the UK, where pay fell by 1.9% in real terms (Figure 10). While all sectors had similar pay decreases (in real terms) up to 2014, the rest of the economy has since partially recovered, whereas health and social care workers have not seen their pay increase significantly. As a result, many people who work in health and care will have seen their real pay fall relative to their friends’ and neighbours’.

Figure 10: Changes in pay since 2010, adjusted for CPI

Source: Health Foundation analysis of data from the Office for National Statistics.

For nurses, this means that between 2006 and 2016 average nurse pay was overtaken by the pay for a number of different jobs. This includes garage managers, musicians, journalists, secretaries, rail transport operatives and crane drivers. The effect of falling relative pay can also be seen in social care: of those who left social care in 2015/16, more than half left the care profession altogether.

The social care sector is characterised by a large number of staff on low pay, and it is a sector that has been flagged by the Low Pay Commission as a source of concern. It found that unpaid time (such as for travel and on-call hours) and failure to factor in deductions (such as for accommodation) may mean that social care pay is lower than national statistics suggest. In fact, it estimated that around one in 10 care jobs actually paid below the minimum wage. In 2013, when HM Revenue and Customs evaluated minimum wage compliance, it found that about half (48%) of social care employers investigated were paying staff below the minimum wage.

In April 2016, the new National Living Wage increased the minimum wage for people aged 25 years and over from £6.70 an hour to £7.20, with a further increase to £7.50 in April 2017 (cash terms). This was a real-terms increase of 8% in the hourly rate in two years. In 2016, 39% of social care workers in the independent sector aged 25 years and over were paid less than £7.50 and so will have personally benefited from this increase. By 2020 the National Living Wage is projected to increase to £8.75 per hour in cash terms, which would be a real-terms increase of 15% – an average of 3.7% a year. While the increase in the National Living Wage will improve conditions for current workers, the impact on retention may be minimal as pay will also have increased in other sectors, so relative pay will not change.

But pay is not the only factor affecting social care staff – the stability and security of employment is also important. Data from the Office for National Statistics show that of all the workers in the UK who are employed on a zero-hours contract, one in five work in health and social care (in either the public or private sector). However, this partly reflects the size of the sector – with just over 4% of health and social care workers on these contracts, and 9% of businesses in health and social care making some use of zero-hours contracts. Other sources suggest that one in three care workers are on a zero-hours contract.


†† Data in cash terms do not take account of inflation, whereas data in real terms do.

‡‡ Measured by the Retail Price Index (RPI), this would be 8%.

§§ Equivalent to 11% (RPI).

¶¶ Equivalent to 7.4% (RPI).

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